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Disconnected Youth: A Look at 16- to 24-Year Olds Who Are Not Working or In School

Policymakers and youth advocates have begun to focus greater attention on young people who are
not working or in school.

Generally characterized as “disconnected,” these youth may also lack
strong social networks that provide assistance in the form of employment connections and other
supports such as housing and financial assistance. Without attachment to work or school,
disconnected youth may be vulnerable to experiencing negative outcomes as they transition to
adulthood. The purpose of the report is to provide context for Congress about the characteristics
of disconnected youth, and the circumstances in which they live. These data may be useful as
Congress considers policies to retain students in high school and to provide them with greater job
training and employment opportunities.

Since the late 1990s, social science research has introduced different definitions of the term
“disconnected.” Across multiple studies of disconnected youth, the ages of the youth and the
length of time they are out of school or work for purposes of being considered disconnected
differ. In addition, a smaller number of studies has also incorporated incarcerated youth into
estimates of the population. Due to these methodological differences, the number of youth who
are considered disconnected varies. According to the research, the factors that are associated with
disconnection are not entirely clear, though some studies have shown that parental education and
receipt of public assistance are influential.

This Congressional Research Service (CRS) analysis expands the existing research on
disconnected youth. The analysis uses Current Population Survey (CPS) data to construct a
definition of “disconnected.” This definition includes noninstitutionalized youth ages 16 through
24 who did not work or attend school anytime during a previous year and are presently not
working or in school (usually sometime in the first quarter of the current year). The definition is
narrower than those used by other studies because it captures youth who are unemployed and not
in school for a longer period of time. This is intended to exclude youth who may, in fact, be
connected for part or most of a year. Youth who are both married to a connected spouse and are
parenting are also excluded from the definition. For these reasons, the number and share of youth
in the analysis who are considered disconnected are smaller than in some other studies. Still, 1.9
million youth ages 16 through 24—or 5.1% of this population—met the definition of
disconnected in 2008, meaning that they were not in school or working for all of 2007 and at a
point in the first quarter of 2008.

Like the existing research, the CRS analysis finds that a greater share of female and minority
youth are disconnected. However, the analysis evaluates some other characteristics that have not
been widely studied in the existing research. For instance, compared to their peers in the general
population, disconnected youth tend to have fewer years of education, and are more likely to live
apart from their parents and to have children. Disconnected youth are also twice as likely to be
poor than their connected peers. The analysis further finds that the parents of disconnected youth
are more likely than their counterparts to be unemployed and to have lower educational
attainment.

Given the state of the current economy and its projected course over the next year or two, rates of
disconnection may climb. Policymakers may consider interventions to reconnect youth to work
and/or school. Interventions can target children and youth at a particular stage of their early lives.
Interventions can also focus on particular institutions or systems, such as the family, community,
and schools.

Adrienne L. Fernandes
Analyst in Social Policy

Thomas Gabe
Specialist in Social Policy

Full Report: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R40535.pdf?mc_cid=d1e28a3da9&mc_eid=dfa0607b67

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